Critics say Pakistan’s government and army also have failed to adequately clamp down on these militants, fearing a backlash in the Punjab, the western province where Lashkar-e-Jhangvi was born in the 2000s.
Source/Credit: The Wall Street Journal | India
By Annabel Symington | March 4, 2013
Yet another attack on Pakistan’s minority Shiite sect – this time in Karachi on Sunday night, killing at least 45 people – further exposes the failure of the government to rein in a growing wave of sectarian violence.
Sunni militants killed more than 400 Shiites in targeted attacks in Pakistan in 2012 – the largest annual total – according to Human Rights Watch. An attack on a billiard hall in southwest Baluchistan province in January killed over 90 Shiites. Five weeks later a blast in a Shiite-dominated area of Quetta killed a further 84 people.
In response, Pakistan has put Baluchistan under direct government control in an attempt to curtail the action of the al-Qaeda linked militant groups that have operated freely there. The government also has clamped down on Lashkar-e-Jhangvi, the militant group that claimed responsibility for January’s attack and is widely believed to be behind the latest bomb attacks on Abbas Town, a Karachi suburb.
Police arrested Malik Ishaq, the co-founder of Lashkar-e-Jhangvi, who was released from prison in 2011 after a decade in jail on charges of murder of hundreds of people, including many Shiites. Mr. Ishaq, who denies, wrongdoing had continued prior to his latest detention to make speeches inciting violence against Shiites.
But analysts say Mr. Ishaq’s arrest was an attempt by security forces to stop Shiites from planning a retaliatory attacks against him, an act which could have led to further violence, rather than part of a comprehensive attempt to round up Lashkar-e-Jhangvi militants to put an end to attacks on Shiite communities.
“Malik Ishaq was detained to bring temperatures down and for his own safety,” said Ayesha Siddiqa, a defense analyst. The risk of Mr. Ishaq being killed in retaliation by Shia militants was viewed by security forces as threat that could spin tensions between the two Muslim sects out of control, Ms. Siddiqa explained.
The government’s failure to take stronger action against Sunni militants is borne from a number of factors. For one, the military has often used Sunni militants as proxies – to fight Indian and U.S. soldiers and most recently to attack separatists in Baluchistan province – and untangling those links has been difficult.
Critics say Pakistan’s government and army also have failed to adequately clamp down on these militants, fearing a backlash in the Punjab, the western province where Lashkar-e-Jhangvi was born in the 2000s.
Pakistan banned the group over a decade ago, but its members continue to operate under new groups that draw strong support in southern parts of Punjab, even helping deliver votes to mainstream political parties during elections.
The latest attack, a car bombing, also left 150 injured, according to police reports. The police were slow to respond to the blasts because many were deployed at the engagement ceremony of Sharmila Faruqui, a provincial minister in the ruling government, and Hasham Riaz Sheikh, a close aide to President Asif Ali Zardari, local media reported.
No one has claimed responsibility for the latest attack but analysts say it bore the hallmarks of a Lashkar-e-Jhangvi attack.
“LeJ has the resources to do this,” said Hasan Askari Rizvi, a security analyst, “And in Karachi, these groups can easily hide.”
After the first Quetta bombing on January 10, the provincial administration was dismissed and responsibility for the province was transferred to the Islamabad-appointed governor, Nawab Zulfiqar Ali Magsi.
When a second bomb ripped through a crowded marketplace in the same area of Quetta barely five weeks later, Mr. Magsi was quick to lash out at security forces for their failure to prevent the attack while many questioned what he had done since he had taken control of the province.
The dynamics of sectarian violence in Karachi and Baluchistan have different origins. The southern megacity is a melting pot of ethnic and religious groups, and there is a long history of fighting between armed Shia and Sunni factions, which peaked in the late nineties.
In the sparsely populated province of Baluchistan, security forces have in the past backed Sunni militant groups to quell separatist uprisings.
While the army has carried out military operations against the Pakistan Taliban since 2009, they have avoided confrontation with other militant groups.
“These groups have become strong over a period of time,” explains Mr. Rizvi. It is a government failure, he says, but not one that is particular to the current Pakistan People’s Party led government.
“This latest attack is another demonstration of strength to show that they [Sunni militants] have the freedom to operate,” said Mr. Rizvi, “It is a confirmation of their power.”
You can follow India Real Time on Twitter @indiarealtime.
Read original post here: Pakistan Powerless in Face of Shiite Attacks
This content-post is archived for backup and to keep archived records of any news Islam Ahmadiyya. The views expressed by the author and source of this news archive do not necessarily reflect the views and policies of Ahmadiyya Times.
No comments:
Post a Comment
Thank you for your comments. Any comments irrelevant to the post's subject matter, containing abuses, and/or vulgar language will not be approved.